By Mark V. Tushnet
The NAACP's struggle opposed to segregated education--the first public curiosity litigation campaign--culminated within the 1954 Brown determination. whereas relating the final social, political, and economic system during which the NAACP acted, Mark V. Tushnet emphasizes the inner workings of the association as published in its personal records. He argues that the commitment and the political and felony talents of employees contributors akin to Walter White, Charles Hamilton Houston, and Thurgood Marshall have been chargeable for the last word luck of public curiosity legislations. This version includes a new epilogue by means of the writer that addresses common questions of litigation technique, the continual query of no matter if the Brown determination mattered, and the legacy of Brown throughout the Burger and Rehnquist courts.
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Extra resources for The Naacp's Legal Strategy Against Segregated Education, 1925-1950
It should try to "(I) . . "12 Thus, with Houston's appointment, the legal campaign once again became part of a broader conception of community mobilization. Walter White's letter to Margold informing him of Houston's appointment hinted at the reason; White said that "a colored lawyer with the dignity, ability and tact of Mr. "" What mattered was race. In the early 193os, the NAACP began actively to recruit black lawyers to its Legal Committee in order to stimulate membership activity in the branches, to demonstrate the advance of the race into areas previously dominated by whites, and to respond to pressure from black lawyers seeking recognition for their own achievements.
White reported to the NAACP board in November 193 I that the Garland Fund had requested "that a revised program should be worked out to fit as nearly as possible the reduced funds which would be available . . P. " Ultimately the fund paid Margold's expenses but not his salary installment, and over the next year the NAACP dribbled money out to Margold from its general funds. ~' Finally, in July 1933, the Garland Fund gave the NAACP $ ~ o , o o ofor use in attacking segregated schools and Jim Crow railroad cars.
The directors of the fund were both more ideological and more radical than the NAACP'sleaders. It is not surprising that the relationship proved hard to sustain. Financial exigency played a role in the breakdown, of course, but it would make the situation seem more subject to simple economic constraints than it actually was to give financial problems first place. At least as important was the process of repeated negotiation between the NAACP and the fund. In the process the NAACP made statements about its intentions that unsympathetic readers could later complain were not completely accurate; the Garland Fund resisted further commitments when it failed to be persuaded that the ways in which the NAACP actually used the grant promoted the fund's interests despite the apparent inconsistencies between the initial statements and the results.