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By Jeffrey R. Collins

The Allegiance of Thomas Hobbes bargains a revisionist interpretation of Thomas Hobbes's evolving reaction to the English Revolution. It rejects the existing realizing of Hobbes as a constant, if idiosyncratic, royalist, and vindicates the contemporaneous view that the book of Leviathan marked Hobbes's lodging with England's progressive regime. In maintaining those conclusions, Professor Collins foregrounds the spiritual gains of Hobbes's writings, and continues a contextual specialise in the wider non secular dynamics of the English Revolution itself. Hobbes and the Revolution are either put in the tumultuous ancient strategy that observed the rising English nation coercively safe jurisdictional keep an eye on over nationwide faith and the company church. obvious within the gentle of this historical past, Thomas Hobbes emerges as a theorist who moved with, instead of opposed to, the progressive currents of his age. The most powerful declare of the publication is that Hobbes was once encouraged via his deep detestation of clerical energy to damage with the Stuart reason and to justify the spiritual rules of England's post-regicidal masters, together with Oliver Cromwell. Methodologically, Professor Collins vitamins highbrow or linguistic contextual research with unique learn into Hobbes's biography, the prosopography of his affiliates, the reception of Hobbes's released works, and the character of the English Revolution as a spiritual clash. This multi-dimensional contextual process produces, between different end result: a brand new knowing of the political implications of Leviathan; an unique interpretation of Hobbes's civil warfare background, Behemoth; a clearer photograph of Hobbes's profession through the missed interval of the 1650s; and a revisionist interpretation of Hobbes's response to the emergence of English republicanism. via providing Thomas Hobbes as a political actor inside of a accurately outlined political context, Professor Collins has recovered the importance of Hobbes's writings as artefacts of the English Revolution.

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30. , 44–5. , 301; Skinner, Reason and Rhetoric, 426–35; Kraynak, History and Modernity, 88–9, 113–15. , 62–3, 78–9. , 144. 144 Ibid. 159–60. , 254. 146 DH, 68. , 256. , 39–40.

30 At the Reformation’s other pole, Zurich, Ulrich Zwingli’s ecclesiology merged ecclesiastical and secular power into 25 Ibid. 11; K. E. Spiers, ‘The Ecclesiastical Poverty Theory of Marsilius of Padua: Sources and Significance’, Il Pensiero Politico, 10 (1977), 3–21. 26 K. B. McFarlane, John Wycliffe and the Beginnings of English Nonconformity (New York, 1953), 54, 62–6, 97; A. G. Dickens, The English Reformation (London, 1964), 22–3. 27 Claire Cross, Church and People, 1450–1600: The Triumph of the Laity in the English Church (Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1976), 9–26, 45–9; Matthew Spinka, John Hus’ Concept of the Church (Princeton, 1966), 260–3.

131 Thus, the best scholarship on Hobbes’s mature religious views, if somewhat divided as to his potential atheism, has reached a consensus on his hostility to revelation, his rejection of traditional Christian soteriology, and his disbelief in Trinitarian orthodoxy. Nor did Hobbes find it possible to keep this scepticism entirely hidden. His conviction that religion was psychologically irresistible, combined with his belief that Christian orthodoxy undermined his own philosophy, forced him to publish a dangerously heretical recasting of Christian dogma.

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