By Christopher Brooke
Philosophic Pride is the 1st full-scale examine the fundamental position of Stoicism within the foundations of contemporary political proposal. Spanning the interval from Justus Lipsius's Politics in 1589 to Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Emile in 1762, and targeting arguments originating from England, France, and the Netherlands, the booklet considers how political writers of the interval engaged with the information of the Roman and Greek Stoics that they discovered in works by means of Cicero, Seneca, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius. Christopher Brooke examines key texts of their ancient context, paying exact cognizance to the heritage of classical scholarship and the historiography of philosophy.
Brooke delves into the persisting pressure among Stoicism and the culture of Augustinian anti-Stoic feedback, which held Stoicism to be a philosophy for the proud who denied their fallen situation. focusing on arguments in ethical psychology surrounding the rules of human sociability and self-love, Philosophic Pride information how the engagement with Roman Stoicism formed early glossy political philosophy and provides major new interpretations of Lipsius and Rousseau including clean views at the political considered Hugo Grotius and Thomas Hobbes.
Philosophic Pride indicates how the legacy of the Stoics performed an important position in ecu highbrow lifestyles within the early glossy era.
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Extra resources for Philosophic pride : Stoicism and political thought from Lipsius to Rousseau
5, where he rejects the Platonists’ view that ascribes all vice to the nature of the flesh. Each chapter adds a detail to the argument of the book so far and strengthens its Stoic characteristics. The equation of sin with falsehood in the first is coupled with a note that what Cicero calls the four ‘disturbances’ are more usually rendered as the ‘passions’ (pathe), which can be said to ‘embrace all the vices of human conduct’. 6. Augustine’s first line of attack is to insist that there are good as well as bad emotions: What is important here is the quality of a man’s will [interest autem qualis sit voluntas hominis].
Given Augustine’s repeated and deliberate use of Stoic categories and vocabulary to describe the predicament of Adam and Eve—admittedly, without using the word apatheia or impassibilitas itself—it would be odd to conclude that he is here trying to deny that this is a genuine example of Stoic apatheia, indeed, the only instance there will ever be of human beings in such a state. 11, Augustine turns to the Fall itself. God made man with a good will, and ‘a good will is the work of God, since man was created with it by God’.
But The Prince is itself a kind of mirror for princes, which complicates the question of just what it might be to produce a synthesis of this particular work with that particular genre. 59 How deep is Machiavelli’s challenge to the mirror-for-princes literature? 60 It runs deep, furthermore, in a way that might be thought to pose a significant challenge for Lipsius in particular, if we do think that what Lipsius was doing in his Politica might have had something to do with Stoicism after all. For what Stacey has shown is, first, the political thought of the mirror-forprinces genre was always fundamentally Senecan, and therefore Stoic, and second, Machiavelli’s Prince is at its core a thoroughgoing and quite systematic repudiation of that Senecan tradition of political thought.