By K. Theodore Hoppen
The Anglo-Irish Union of 1800 which tested the uk of significant Britain and eire made British ministers in London extra at once liable for Irish affairs than had formerly been the case. The Act didn't, although, supply for complete integration, and left in lifestyles a separate management in Dublin less than a Viceroy and a prime Secretary. This created tensions that have been by no means resolved. the connection that ensued has more often than not been interpreted when it comes to 'colonialism' or 'post-colonialism', ideas now not with no their difficulties on the subject of a rustic so geographically with regards to Britain and, certainly, so heavily attached constitutionally.
Governing Hibernia seeks to envision the Union dating from a brand new and diverse viewpoint. particularly it argues that London's regulations in the direction of eire within the interval among the Union and the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 oscillated sharply. every now and then, the rules have been in keeping with a view of an eire so far-off, assorted, and violent that (regardless of offers made in 1800) its executive demanded primarily Hibernian guidelines of a coercive variety (c. 1800-1830); at others, they have been in line with the idea that balance was once most sensible accomplished via a commonly assimilationist procedure - in influence trying to make eire extra like Britain (c. 1830-1868); and at last they made a go back to guidelines of differentiation notwithstanding in much less coercive methods than were the case within the many years instantly after the Union (c. 1868-1921). the result of this final coverage of differentiation used to be a disposition, finally universal to either one of the most British political events, to supply higher measures of devolution and eventually independence, a improvement eventually rendered achievable via the implementation of Irish partition in 1921/2.
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Additional resources for Governing Hibernia : British politicians and Ireland 1800-1921
Add. MS 35706; to Pitt, 14 November 1804 and 12 January 1805, TNA Pitt Papers PRO 30/8/328; to Pitt, 3 February 1805, BL Hardwicke Papers Add. MS 35710. 36 Elliot to Trail, 8 October 1806, NLS Elliot of Wells Papers MS 12913; Wellesley Pole to Richmond, 15 March 1811, NLI Richmond Papers MS 65; Peel to Whitworth, 6 November and 6 December 1813, 11 April 1814, CKS Whitworth Papers U269/0225/2, 3, 4. 37 Peel to Flint, 1 September 1814, Sir Robert Peel from his Private Papers, ed. Parker, i. 96; K.
C1803/OZ/68; also to Perceval (his brother-in-law), 20 October 1803, G[loucestershire] R[ecord] O[fﬁce] Mitford (Redesdale) Papers D2002/3/1/20 and BL Perceval Papers Add. MS 49188. g. TNA Abbot Papers PRO 30/9/136; TNA HO 100/180; H[ampshire] R[ecord] O[fﬁce] Wickham Papers 38M/49/5/176/4; BL Hardwicke Papers Add. MS 35771; BL Pelham Papers Add. MS 33119. 37 P. D. Thesis (1975), 195–6. 38 The reactions to this saw so many energetic political felines enter the fray that Pelham’s solitary parrot was soon rendered very dead indeed.
27 Portland to Cornwallis, 12 November 1798, TNA HO 100/79. OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 19/5/2016, SPi 18 Governing Hibernia of this during the long debates at Westminster and College Green,28 a silence that created considerable confusion among those entrusted with the Act’s practical implementation. 31 Nor did the key buzzword of ‘incorporation’ vanish once post-Union practice had so clearly rendered it redundant. 32 Two episodes in the months immediately after the Union reveal the transient nature of its supposed agenda.