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By Thomas Foerster

This assortment offers a scientific survey of the extensive readership the works of Godfrey of Viterbo loved within the overdue heart a long time. within the final years of the 12th century this chronicler and imperial notary wrote a sequence of historic collections that won enormous and lasting acceptance: among the 13th and 15th centuries, his works have been copied in complex manuscripts in just about all of Latin Europe. This vast distribution is very awesome for an writer like Godfrey whom smooth historians have by no means credited with any value in any respect, as they thought of his works chaotic and traditionally unreliable. but Godfrey was once one among the main bold historiographers of his time. In his works, the lineage of the Hohenstaufen emperors Frederick Barbarossa and Henry VI is traced on to Charlemagne and Augustus, to the kings of Troy and of the outdated testomony, and to Jupiter and everybody who, in his view, wielded imperial strength some time past. Godfrey used to be a bring in of the recent political principles the Hohenstaufen constructed after the years of defeat opposed to the papacy and the Italian communes, but additionally a common chronicler whose pursuits reached some distance past the political problems with his day. Bringing jointly a gaggle of experts on manuscripts and historic writing in past due medieval England, Spain, Italy, Germany, Bohemia and Poland, this quantity goals to restore Godfrey’s attractiveness through demonstrating how his works have been understood through medieval readers.

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51 L. Sturlese, Die deutsche Philosophie im Mittelalter: Von Bonifatius bis zu Albert dem Großen (748–1280) (Munich, 1993), 242. In his interesting argument Huth, Staufische ‘Reichshistoriographie’, 26, 12–13, 33–37 and 58, shows Godfrey’s traditional philosophical position. He explains how Godfrey seemed to have refused Burgundio’s new translation that must have been known to him. Hugo of Honau, one of Godfrey’s colleagues at court, had access to both translations, by Burgundio (De natura hominis) and by Alfanus (Premnon physicon).

Holtzmann, ‘Das Carmen de Frederico I. imperatore aus Bergamo und die Anfänge der staufischen Hofhistoriographie’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, 44 (1922), 252–313, assumes a circle of court historiographers with political orientation. With regard to the discussion of such court historiographers, cf. also O. Engels, ‘Friedrich Barbarossa im Urteil seiner Zeitgenossen’, in idem, Stauferstudien: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Staufer im 12. Jahrhundert, ed. E. Meuthen and S.

Moreover, Baaken’s results also shed new light on earlier diplomatic studies on the imperial and papal chancelleries in the twelfth century, like the studies of Helleiner, Zeillinger, Riedmann or Koch: K. Helleiner, ‘Der Einfluss der Papsturkunde auf die Diplome der deutschen Könige im 12. Jahrhundert’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 44 (1930), 21–56; K. Zeillinger, ‘Zwei Diplome Barbarossas für seine römischen Parteigänger’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 20 (1964), 568–81; idem, ‘Die Notare der Reichskanzlei in den ersten Jahren Friedrich Barbarossas’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 22 (1966), 472–555; J.

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