Download Freedom for the Thought That We Hate: A Biography of the by Anthony Lewis PDF

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By Anthony Lewis

Greater than the other humans in the world, we americans are loose to assert and write what we expect. the clicking can air the secrets and techniques of presidency, the company boardroom, or the bed room with little worry of punishment or penalty. This notable freedom effects no longer from America’s tradition of tolerance, yet from fourteen phrases within the structure: the loose expression clauses of the 1st Amendment.

In Freedom for the concept That We Hate, two-time Pulitzer Prize-winner Anthony Lewis describes how our free-speech rights have been created in 5 special areas—political speech, inventive expression, libel, advertisement speech, and strange types of expression resembling T-shirts and crusade spending. it's a tale of challenging offerings, heroic judges, and the attention-grabbing and kooky defendants who pressured the felony approach to come back head to head with one among America’s nice founding rules.

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Extra resources for Freedom for the Thought That We Hate: A Biography of the First Amendment

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The only way in which previous convictions could affect estimates of seriousness was if they revealed a pattern which aggravated the form of the current offence: for example, revealed a pattern of targeting of elderly or minority ethnic victims. But numbers of previous offences, and the evidence they gave of ‘failure to respond to previous sentences’, were not in themselves factors which should indicate greater seriousness. Lack of previous convictions could count as mitigating, and the effect of previous convictions would be ‘progressive loss of mitigation’, which would mean that first offenders could be sentenced at the bottom end of a presumptive band for an offence, but repeat offenders could not be sentenced to more than the ‘going rate’ for the offence category.

However, as the Halliday Report demonstrates, the trend to give short prison sentences for repeat minor offences has disproportionately affected females. Between 1989 and 1999 the biggest rise in prison sentences was in short sentences, imposed by magistrates’ courts rather than Crown Courts. Halliday’s analysis of sentencing statistics reports that between 1989 and 1999: • Custodial sentences imposed at magistrates’ courts increased from 18,2000 to 53,000 (191%) • At the Crown Court, the increase was from 42,600 to 44,6000 (5%) • The number of adults received under sentence increased from 57,270 to 83,100 (45%) • The increase in the number of women (143%) was over three times greater than the increase for men (40%) (HR: 83).

Senior prison managers, like Kate De Cou (chapter 5), do not have the luxury of sitting on the sidelines and talking off the top of their critiques. Many prison personnel who have no choice but to deal with the prisoners sent to their institutions by the courts, are committed to organising regimes and programmes best suited to the characteristics and needs of the specific population they have in prison at any one time. Those who are committed to making women’s prison regimes more appropriate to women’s needs try to operationalise the parity principle by ensuring that the implications of recognising women’s difference inform regime and programme design.

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