By David R. Mayhew
In this moment variation to a e-book that has now accomplished canonical prestige, David R. Mayhew argues that the valuable motivation of legislators is reelection and that the pursuit of this target impacts the best way they behave and how that they make public coverage. In a brand new foreword for this version, R. Douglas Arnold discusses why the publication revolutionized the examine of Congress and the way it has stood the try of time. The booklet additionally includes a new preface by way of the author.
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Additional resources for Congress: The Electoral Connection
This places Pennsylvania among the top ten states in terms of religious worshippers (Pennsylvania Manual 2001, 1–31). 9 million members represents 32 percent of the state’s population. With more than 750,000 members each, the two largest Protestant denominations are the Lutherans and the United Methodists. Presbyterians number approximately 500,000. Three other Protestant denominations—the United Church of Christ, the Episcopal Church, and the American Baptists—each have more than 100,000 members (Pennsylvania Manual 2001, 1–31).
S. Senate in 1887. He was chosen as the Republican national chairman in 1888 and directed the presidential campaign of Benjamin Harrison. He was primarily responsible for Harrison’s victory. For the next two decades, Quay was not only the boss of the Pennsylvania party, but also a force in national Republican politics (Dunaway 1948, 456–78). The magnitude of Quay’s power was made manifest during his attempt to win reelection to the Senate, beginning in 1899. The People’s Bank of Philadelphia, which had long been a depository for state funds, failed in 03 Tread ch1, p 1-23 9/21/05 7:37 PM Page 13 Allan S Johnson G4 130g:Pxt jobs archive:#3497 PS pennsylvania then and now ★ 13 1898.
A different approach—such as analyzing voter turnout data—may help make sense of these ﬁfteen counties by indicating whether the independents in these counties “behaved” like pure independent voters. National data show that during the 1990s pure independents had turnout rates that were 15 to 20 points lower than the rates for weak identiﬁers and independents leaning toward the Republican or Democratic Party, and 30 to 40 points lower than rates for strong identiﬁers. Therefore, it would not seem unreasonable to expect to ﬁnd that rates of turnout in counties with large concentrations of independent voters would be below the state mean.